---- by Kenneth Surin
  Deleuze and Guattari oppose micropolitics to the politics of molarisation. Where the molar (or 'arborescent', to use their equivalent term) designates structures and principles that are based on rigid stratifications or codings which leave no room for all that is flexible and contingent, the molecular which is the basis of micropolitics allows for connections that are local and singular. A molecular logic of production is basically self-organising or auto-poetic, whereas its molar counterpart finds its generating principle in some feature or entity that is external to what is being produced. The necessity of micropolitics for Deleuze and Guattari stems from the current conjuncture of capitalist production and accumulation. In this conjuncture, capital has become the ever-present condition that ensures the harmonisation of even the most disparate forms (business and finance, the arts, leisure, and so forth). This is the age that Deleuze titles 'the societies of control' and it contrasts with the disciplinary societies of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In this conjuncture, the scope of labour has been amplified exponentially, as capital permeates every interstice of society: the ubiquity of capital coincides with the expansion of everything capable of creating surplus-value, as human consciousness and all that was hitherto considered 'private' is relentlessly incorporated into the latest structures of accumulation. Capitalism has always had as its 'utopia' the capacity to function without the State and in the current conjuncture this disposition has become more profoundly entrenched. On the other hand, for Deleuze and Guattari this is not because State apparatuses have disappeared (clearly they have not); rather the rigid demarcation between State and society is no longer tenable. Society and State now constitute one allencompassing reality, and all capital has become social capital. Hence, the generation of social cooperation, undertaken primarily by the service and informational industries in the advanced economies, has become a crucial one for capitalism.
  In a situation of this kind, a molar politics with its emphasis on standardisation and homogeneity becomes increasingly irrelevant, as the traditional dividing line between 'right' and 'left' in politics becomes blurred, and such notions as 'the radical centre' gain credence despite being patently oxymoronic; and as traditional class affiliations dissolve and the social division of labour is radically transformed by the emergence of information and service industries. The enabling conditions of micropolitics derive from this set of developments. The upshot is that the orchestration of affect and desire has now become much more significant for determining lines of affiliation in contemporary politics.
  The orchestration of desire in micropolitics will have an oscillating logic, as the desire constrained by the orders of capital is deterritorialised, so that it becomes a desire exterior to capital, and is then reterritorialised or folded back into the social field. When this happens the liberated desire integrates into itself the flows and components of the Socius or social field to form a 'desiring machine'. The heart of micropolitics is the construction of these new desiring machines as well as the creation of new linkages between desiring machines: without a politics to facilitate this construction there can be no productive desire, only the endless repetition of the nondifferent, as what is repeated is regulated by logics of identity, equivalence and intersubstitutability (this being the underlying logic of the commodity principle as analysed by Karl Marx). In micropolitics the fate of repeating a difference that is only an apparent difference is avoided, and capitalism's negative, wasteful and ultimately non-productive repetition, a repetition of nonbeing, is supplanted by the polytopia of a micropolitics that brings together the strata of minorities, becomings, incorporealities, concepts, 'peoples', in this way launching a thought and practice capable of expressing and instantiating a desire to undo the prevailing world order.
  Micropolitics, therefore, creates an 'ethos of permanent becomingrevolutionary', an ethos not constrained by a politics predicated on the now defunct forms of Soviet bureaucratic socialism and a liberal or social democracy. In this ethos, our criteria of belonging and affiliation will always be subject to a kind of chaotic motion, and a new political knowledge is created which dissipates the enabling lie told us by those who now have political power, with their love for nation-states, tribes, clans, political parties, churches, and perhaps everything done up to now in the name of community. At the same time, this ethos will create new collective solidarities not based on these old 'loves'.
   § affect
   § becoming
   § desire
   § molar
   § molecular
   § socius

The Deleuze dictionary. . 2010.

Look at other dictionaries:

  • micropolitics —    by Kenneth Surin   Deleuze and Guattari oppose micropolitics to the politics of molarisation. Where the molar (or arborescent , to use their equivalent term) designates structures and principles that are based on rigid stratifications or… …   The Deleuze dictionary

  • micropolitics — noun The use of formal and informal power by individuals and groups to achieve their goals within organizations, as opposed to macropolitics …   Wiktionary

  • Félix Guattari — Infobox Philosopher region = Western Philosophy era = 20th century philosophy color = #B0C4DE name = Pierre Félix Guattari birth = April 30, 1930 (Villeneuve les Sablons, Oise, France) death = August 29, 1992 (La Borde clinic, Cour Cheverny,… …   Wikipedia

  • History of feminism — The history of feminism is the history of feminist movements and their efforts to overturn injustices of gender inequality. Feminist scholars have divided feminism s history into three waves . Humm, Maggie. 1995. The Dictionary of Feminist Theory …   Wikipedia

  • Party system — A party system is a concept in comparative political science concerning the system of government by political parties. The idea is that political parties control the government, have a stable base of mass popular support, and create internal… …   Wikipedia

  • A Thousand Plateaus —   …   Wikipedia

  • Brian Massumi — Infobox Philosopher region = Western Philosophy era = 20th / 21st century philosophy color = #B0C4DE name = Brian Massumi birth = death = school tradition = poststructuralism radical empiricism main interests = the virtual affect relation… …   Wikipedia

  • Michael J. Shapiro — Michael Shapiro Full name Michael J. Shapiro Born February 16, 1940 Era 20th century philosophy Region …   Wikipedia

  • Freudo-Marxism — is a loose designation of several twentieth century critical theory schools of thought that sought to synthesize the philosophy and political economy of Karl Marx with the psychoanalytic theory of Sigmund Freud. While the movement to integrate… …   Wikipedia

  • Walter Dean Burnham — (born 1930), is professor emeritus of political science at the University of Texas at Austin, where he held the Frank Erwin Centennial Chair in Government. He is an expert in the analysis of elections. He has been called “one of the country s pre …   Wikipedia

Share the article and excerpts

Direct link
Do a right-click on the link above
and select “Copy Link”

We are using cookies for the best presentation of our site. Continuing to use this site, you agree with this.